Digital Bangladesh : Speech of MUKTHI 2013

Digital Bangladesh : Speech of MUKTHI 2013

SUPPORT AWAMI LEAGUE, VOTE NOUKA ONCE AGAIN

‘আওয়ামী লীগকে আবার ক্ষমতায় আনুন, বাংলার চেহারা পাল্টে দেব।

‘আওয়ামী লীগকে আবার ক্ষমতায় আনুন, বাংলার চেহারা পাল্টে দেব।

সজীব ওয়াজেদ জয়

প্রধানমন্ত্রী শেখ হাসিনার ছেলে সজীব ওয়াজেদ জয় বলেছেন, ‘আওয়ামী লীগকে আবার ক্ষমতায় আনুন, বাংলার চেহারা পাল্টে দেব। আমার কাছে তথ্য আছে, আগামীতে আবারও আওয়ামী লীগ ক্ষমতায় আসবে। আমি বিএনপির মিথ্যা প্রচারণা মোকাবিলা করতে এসেছি।’

সজীব ওয়াজেদ বলেন, এখন থেকে আগামী ছয় মাস বিএনপির দুর্নীতি, অপশাসন তুলে ধরুন। তাঁদের অপকর্মের কথা মানুষকে মনে করিয়ে দিন। তিনি বলেন, আওয়ামী লীগ ক্ষমতায় থাকলে আগামী ১৫ বছরের মধ্যে দেশ মধ্য আয়ের দেশে পরিণত হবে।

সজীব ওয়াজেদ বলেন, সাড়ে চার বছর ধরে আওয়ামী লীগ দেশে উন্নয়ন কর্মকাণ্ড করে যাচ্ছে। এখন আর মানুষকে লোডশেডিংয়ের দুর্ভোগ পোহাতে হয় না। আওয়ামী লীগই বিদ্যুত্ সমস্যার সমাধান করেছে। বিএনপি ক্ষমতায় থাকতে নতুন কোনো বিদ্যুেকন্দ্র বানাতে পারেনি। জনগণের উদ্দেশে সজীব ওয়াজেদ বলেন, ‘আপনারা বিএনপি এবং আওয়ামী লীগের দুই টার্ম তুলনা করে দেখেন, কারা বেশি উন্নয়ন করেছে। আওয়ামী লীগ এক টার্মে যে উন্নয়ন করেছে, বিএনপি দুই টার্মেও সে উন্নয়ন করতে পারেনি।’

সজীব ওয়াজেদ বলেন, বিএনপির আমলে হল-মার্ক, ডেসটিনির মতো দুর্নীতি করলেও কেউ গ্রেপ্তারও হতো না। এমনকি এসব কথা বলাও যেত না। দুর্নীতিতে বাংলাদেশ এক নম্বর ছিল। ব্যবসায়ীদের চাঁদা জমা দেওয়ার জন্য হাওয়া ভবন সৃষ্টি হয়। খাম্বার কথা কেউ ভুলে যায়নি।

জয় বলেন, আওয়ামী লীগের আমলে কাউকে চাঁদা দিতে হয়নি। হাতিরঝিলের মতো স্থাপনার কারণে ঢাকাকে আন্তর্জাতিক শহর মনে হয়। তিনি বলেন, ‘অর্থনৈতিক উন্নয়নকে আমরা সবচেয়ে বেশি জোর দিয়েছি। এভাবে অর্থনীতি এগোলে আমাদের ভিশন-২০২১ বাস্তবায়ন হবে। আওয়ামী লীগ দেশকে এগিয়ে নিয়ে যায়। আর বিএনপির আমলে হয় শুধু দুর্নীতি।’ ২০০১ সালে সংখ্যালঘুদের ওপর নির্যাতনের জন্য চারদলীয় জোট সরকারকে দায়ী করেন জয়।

 প্রধানমন্ত্রীপুত্র বলেন, ‘২১ আগস্টে গ্রেনেড হামলার কথা ভুলে যায়নি। ওই সময় আমার মাকে হত্যার চেষ্টা করা হয়েছিল। প্রয়াত রাষ্ট্রপতি জিল্লুর রহমানের স্ত্রী আইভি রহমানসহ ২৩ জনকে হত্যা করা হয়। চার শ জন আহত হয়। তত্কালীন প্রধানমন্ত্রীর পুত্র এতে জড়িত থাকার অভিযোগ পাওয়া গেছে। যেটা দুঃখজনক।’

ক্ষমা চাই সকলের কাছে।

ক্ষমা চাই সকলের কাছে। সবাই আমাকে নিজগুনে ক্ষমা করবেন। আসলে আমি কেউ না এ দেশের ভালো মন্দ আয় ব্যয় উন্নতি অবনতি ধংশ বা নির্মাণে ।আমার কোনো অবদান নেই এ দেশের জন্য। আমি শুধু পথের ধারে অযত্নে বেড়ে ওঠা দলিত মথিত দূর্বা ঘাস। আমি একটি রাস্তার নেড়ে কুকুর। মূর্খ অথর্ব বাচাল প্রকৃতির একটি বাজে লোক। আমি আমার নিজেকেই ঘৃণা করি মনে প্রাণে।আত্বহত্যা মহা পাপ এবং মহান আল্লাহ্‌ তায়া'লার কাছে গিয়ে কোনো জাবাদিহীতার রাস্তা থাকবে না। দুটি কন্যা সন্তান বেড়ে ঊঠেছে অযতনে মূর্খ ব্যর্থ পিতার সন্তান হিসেবে।

শুনিতে চেওনা কোথায় কষ্ট কোন সে গোপনকথা!

শুনিয়া হাসিবে মুচকি হাসি, নয়তো পাইবে ব্যাথা।

নয়তো বলিবে, আসলেই সত্যি বদ্ধ পাগল মুক্তি,

নাহি কথার সামঞ্জস্য নাহি কোনো যুক্তি ।

এ দেশ স্বাধীন করেছিলো সেনা বাহিনী। যুদ্ধের পূর্বেই যারা সশস্ত্র জীবন যাপনে অভ্যস্ত। দেশ স্বাধীন করেছে তারাই। সাতজন বীর শ্রেষ্ঠও সেনা বাহিনীর সদস্য। হতভাগা জাতিরজনককে নির্মমভাবে হত্যা করেছে, সেও সেনাবাহিনী। মঞ্জুর, জিয়া, খালেদ মোশাররফ, কর্নেল তাহের, তাজুদ্দিন, সৈয়দ নজরুল ইসলাম, ক্যাপঃ মনসুর আলী, কামরুজ্জামানসহ হাজার হাজার মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের বিনা বিচারে রুদ্ধ কারাগারে হত্যা করেছে, সেটাও সেনা বাহিনী। স্বাধীন সার্বভৌম বাংলাদেশের ৪০ বছরের মধ্যে মাত্র সাড়ে সাত বছর দেশ শাসন করেছে জনগণ কর্তৃক নির্বাচিত গণতান্ত্রিক সরকার আর বাদ বাকী সাড়ে ৩২ বছর বৈধ এবং অবৈধভাবে দেশ শাসন করেছে সেনা বাহিনী। কোথায় গণতন্ত্রের শিশু, তাকেতো হাটতেই শিখানো হয়নি? দেশের সমস্ত সরকারী আধা সরকারী স্বায়ত্বশাসিত প্রধান প্রধান প্রতিষ্ঠান গুলোর কর্ণধার বর্তমান অথবা অবসর গ্রহণকৃত সেনা কর্মকর্তা। দেশ বিদেশের দূতাবাসগূলোতে চাকুরীর সুবিধাদিসহ প্রেষণে নিয়োগ পেয়েছে সেনাবাহিনী। কাজেই মুক্তিযুদ্ধ এবং তার সকল মহিমা সেনাবাহিনীরই প্রাপ্য। বাকী সব ছাগলের তিন নম্বর বাচ্ছা। উচ্চ শিক্ষিত, মেধাসম্পন্ন বিশ্ববিদ্যালয় থেকে কৃতিত্বের সাথে পাশ করা যুব গোষ্ঠী ভালো চাকুরী না পেলেও, অবসরপ্রাপ্ত সেনা বাহিনী ঠিকই চুক্তিভিত্তিক উচ্চ পদসমূহে নিয়োগ পেয়েছে। কারন তারাই এ দেশ স্বাধীন করেছে। বাকী আমরা যারা বাঙ্গালী, তারা অকালকুসুমন্ড তথাকথিত ভোদাই সম্প্রদায়। তারেক জিয়া দুর্নীতি লুন্ঠণ করেছে, পত্রপত্রিকা দেশবিদেশে ছড়িয়ে দিয়েছে কিন্তু ঢাকা ক্যান্টনমেন্ট এ কি হচ্ছে, তা জাহাঙ্গীর গেট পর্যন্ত জানতে পারছে না। এ কথা আমি মুক্তি বলবার কে? আমি বলবোই বা কেনো। দুর্নীতি দমন কমিশনের এক কর্মকর্তা আমাকে একটি দুর্নীতি সংক্রান্ত মামলার তদন্তের সাক্ষী হিসেবে ডেকেছিলো এবং ধমকিয়ে ওই তদন্ত কর্মকর্তা আমাকে শাসিয়েছিলেন " যে ব্যক্তি সরকারি অর্থ তছরুপ করেছে, সেটা সরকারের অর্থ, আপনার কি? আপনি কে অভিযোগ করতে? আপনার এতো মাথা ব্যথা কেনো। আলবৎ সত্য কথা। আমি কে? আমি কেনো দুর্নীতির বিরুদ্ধে মামলা করতে গেলাম? আমিতো একটা stupid! আর কিছু নয়। আমার কি আসে যায় যদি সরকারের টাকা লুটপাট হয়? আমার এই ষাট বছরের কাছে এসে শুভ বুদ্ধির ঊদয় হয়েছে। এতো দিনে বুঝলাম এ সমাজে, এ দেশে, এ মাটিতে আমি একটি পদার্থহীন অপদার্থ। নিজেকে বিরাট একটা কিছু মনে করতাম। গায় পড়ে পথের কাঁটা নিজের কাঁটা মনে করে মানুষের সাথে অহেতুক ঝগড়া ফেসাত দাঙ্গা হাঙ্গামা বাক বিতন্ড যুক্তি তর্ক বিতর্ক আর স্বাধীনতা, বঙ্গবন্ধু, আওয়ামী লীগ, শেখ হাসিনা, রাজাকার, বিএন পি জামাত যতো সব অহেতুক বিষয়াদি নিয়ে অযৌক্তিক এবং উদ্ভট অসামঞ্জস্য কথা বার্তা বলে বেড়াতাম। কিন্তু আসল বিষয়টা ছিলো সম্পূর্ণ ভিন্ন।

আমি কেউ না বাংলাদেশের। আমার পিতা মাতার বিশেষ উত্তেজনার ফসল মাত্র আমি জন্মেছিলাম বাংলার একটি অখ্যাত নিভূত পল্লীর জীর্ণ কুঠিরে। সংসারে সকলের ছোট হয়েও উচ্চ শিক্ষার মূখ দেখতে পাইনি আমার এই প্রচন্ড দাপট বাউন্ডেলেপনার জন্য। কোন রকম পেটে ভাতে খেয়ে পড়ে অনেক কষ্টে কিছু মুল্যহীন সনদপত্র যোগার করেছিলাম। সেও মনে হয় বোর্ড অফ এডুকেশনের ভুলের কারনে পেয়েছিলাম। 

যেদিন হাওয়া ভবন এর সন্ত্রাসীদের হাতে বেদমভাবে প্রহৃত হ’লাম, জীবন ভিক্ষা চেয়ে প্রান বাচালাম সেদিনই আমি বুঝেছিলাম, আমি এ দেশে অকালকুসুমন্ড মূল্যহীন একটি অযাচিত জঘন্য ঘৃণ্য অতিকায় তুচ্ছ  নরকের কীট। তাই স্ত্রী সন্ডানদের ফেলে নিজের জীবন নিয়ে পালিয়ে এলাম। এসে ভাবলাম আমার কথা গুলো অন্তত বিশ্বকে জানানো উচিত। আমার জানাবার ভাষা এবং উপস্থাপনে হয়তো বা কোনো আর্ট ছিলো না কিন্তু সত্যতা ছিলো সম্পূর্ণ ১০০ ভাগ। আমার জন্মভূমি আমি ছেড়ে এলেও আমার বিধির বিধান ভাগ্য লিখনতো আমার সাথে সাথেই মায়া মরীচিকার মতোই তাড়া করেছে, আমি পালাতে চাইলেও আমার ভাগ্যের লেখা অনুযায়ী ওরা তো আমার পিছু ছাড়েনি।

এই মিডিয়া জগতে কতো জনেরে একান্তভাবে পেয়েছি, কতজনেরে মিথ্যে কারনে মিথ্যে অজুহাতে অশ্রাব্য ভাষায় তিরস্কার করেছি। আসলে আমিতো কেঊ না ও কথা বলার যে কথা আমি একান্ত আমার এবং দেশের শ্ত্রু মনে করে অপরজনকে বলেছি। ওরা শত্রু হবে কেনো? এটাইতো ছিলো আমার সব চেয়ে বড় আহাম্মকী এবং ডাষ্টবিনে নিক্ষেপিত হবার মুল কারন। শ্ত্রুতো আমি আমার নিজের। শ্ত্রু আমি সকলের। শ্ত্রু আমি বাঙ্গালী জাতির। শ্ত্রু আমি মিডিয়া জগতের সকলের। আমাকেইতো আমার ফাঁসির কাষ্ঠে ঝুলিয়ে শাস্তি দিতে ইচ্ছে হচ্ছে। 

বন্ধুগণ, আমাকে আপনারা মনে রাখবেন না। ভূলে যাবেন। যদি কখনো কারো মনে কোন কষ্ট দিয়ে থাকি। কাউকে স্বাধীনতা বা বঙ্গবন্ধু সংক্রান্ত কারনে কোনো কটু কথা বা গালি দিয়ে থাকি, আমাকে আপনারা ক্ষমা করে দিবেন। যদি শুনতে পান কোনো মাধ্যমে যে ‘মুক্তি নামের সে শুয়োরটা আর বেঁচে নেই’, আমাদের আর জ্বালাতন করবে না, সেদিন আমার বেহেস্ত নছিবের জন্য না হলেও নরকের শাস্তি মৌকুফের জন্য পারলে দোয়া করবেন।

“ অন্ধকারে এসেছিলেম, থাকতে আধার যাই চলে,

ক্ষণিক ভালো বেসে ছিলেম, চির কালের নাই হলেম।

আপনারা ভূলে যাবেন আমার এ বেসুরো বেতাল গানের কোনো একটি লাইনও যদি আপনাদের কারো কাছে কোনো মুহূর্তে ভালো লেগে থাকে?  

আমার আপন বড় ভাইকে হারানোর পর এই নেট ওয়ার্কের মিডিয়ার মাধ্যমে বড় ভাই হিসেবে শহীদুল আলম ভাইজান কে পেয়েছিলাম,  যদি জীবনে একবার দেখা না পাই বড় কষ্ট থেকে যাবে তার জন্য । কারো কোন করুনা চাই না। দয়া চাইনা, চাইনা কোন ভিক্ষার অনুকম্পা।

“যেহেতু দেশকে জাতিকে নিজে কিছুই দিতে পারিনি, তখন চাইবারও কোনো অধিকার আমার নেই।

“শুধু আর একবার দ্ব্যর্থহীন ভাষায় আমার শুষ্ক ওষ্ঠাধর থেকে নিক্ষেপ করে গেলাম...বাঙ্গালী জাতির জন্য . the ungrateful nation

 

WarCriminal Ali Ahsan Mujahid

Ali Ahsan Mujahid - His anti-liberation activities were evident from the statements published in the newspapers. While addressing a gathering of Chhatra Shangha in Faridpur on September 15, 1971, he announced that they should have occupied Assam (an Indian state bordering Sylhet) before taking hold of India. He called upon his armed cadres to be prepared for such actions. Mujahid was quoted in a report published on October 15, as saying that he criticized Bhutto, Kawsar Niazi and Mufti Mahmud for their objectionable comments on the Razakars and al-Badars. “The youths of the Razakars and al-Badar forces and all other voluntary organizations have been working for the national to protect it from the collaborators and agents of India. But, recently it was observed that a section of political leaders like ZA Bhutto, Kawsar Niazi, Mufti Mahmud and Asgar Khan have been making objectionable remarks about the patriots. Mujahid called upon the govt

to take measures to stop such activities by the sections of leaders. And at the same time he urged the students to come back to classes and help the army to bring back normalcy. In another statement on October 25, Mujahid called upon for observing Badar day on 17 Ramadan and said, We are now facing anti-Islamic forces. We will take oath today for the sake of the nation to establish Islam in the country. 

During the days of the war Mujahid stayed in various places in Fakirerpul and Nayapaltan in Dhaka. But he mainly resided at some Feroz Mia’s place at 181, Fakirerpul. This Feroz was a commander of Razakar forces, according to eyewitness accounts of Jatiyo party leader Abdus Salam, journalist GM Gaus, freedom fighter and columnist Mahbub Kamal. Feroz’s house served as a HQ for the local Razakars where they secretly met to do strategic plans. This house was a multipurpose facility: was used as a local HQ, training center and torture chamber. According to the locals many people were found taken to the house blind folded and groans of torture were heard. Mujahid was the boss of the horde. Journalist GM Gaus said he knew Mujahid as a leader of an Islamic organization. He was a tenant in Fakirapul area and was actively involved in recruiting local students into his organization long before the liberation war. As soon as the war was declared he formed a battalion of Razakar forces who were only accountable to him. Mujahid then made Feroz Mia the commander of his newly recruited forces and organized arms training for them. Mujahid was also the key figure for the weapons and funds of the organization. From September onwards, when Pakistani army started losing Mujahid changed his strategy from killing the ordinary pro-liberation Bangalees to killing the secular minded Bang alee intellectuals and professionals. Mujahid was one of the key leaders, said Gaus, to raid Dhaka university campus for killing the selected academics.

Abdus Salam reiterated what Gaus said. Salam identified Mujahid as a central leader of Jamat, and as such, his activities were extended to all over Dhaka city. “I recovered, said Salam, a number of important documents and photos from Feroz’s home. The evidences included a list of the Razakar operatives that worked in Dhaka. Their resumes and photos of their various actions. Later the docuements were lost following police raids in my house. After the war Feroz’s house was used as a temporary camp of the freedom fighters.

Columnist Mahbub Kamal described Feroz’s house as a dungeon of plot and conspiracy. The Razakar arms cadres used to raid the homes of freedom fighters from this house. He said the residence of the local Awami League leader Jobed Ali were raided several times. “They also searched home of one of my friends, Nazu, who was missing since August 71. We believe that Nazu must have been killed by Feroz and his gang. Kamal also said that one of his cousins stayed at their place in 71 to look for a job. Mohsin, the cousin, used to go to the local mosque for prayer where Mujahid asked him to join Razakar force. Later Kamal’s family had to send Mohsin back to his village so as to save him from Mujahid’s cohorts. According to the locals of Fakirerpul suburb, Feroz formed a Razakar force comprising 300 youngsters and deployed them to kill and torture ordinary people sympathetic to the cause of liberation war. They also reported that women were tortured in Feroz’s house. One of the top footballers who was taken by Feroz’s men said that he was brutally tortured in that house. He also reported seeing a number of young women who were raped day and night by Feroz’s cadres. After a few years hideout following the victory in liberation war, Mujahid, like many of his Razakar mates resurfaced and carrying out the unfinished job of 1971. According to a report in the Weekly Bichitra in 1978, Mujahid, led the killing of an opponent student leader Abdus Sobhan. One can bet that Mujahid is one of the champions of creating and operating the Bangla Forces who are currently ruling the north western districts of Bangladesh.

WOES OF WEALTH

WOES OF WEALTH EDITORIAL: DAILY STAR 2007-07-22

everybody, except saints and mad-caps has the longing to acquire wealth as it is indispensable for living well. Acquiring and holding of wealth is also a fundamental right of every citizen according to the constitution of Bangladesh. But wealth sometimes brings woes instead of comfort and happiness, if the greed for acquiring it knows no end. The number of millionaires in the country could be counted on one's fingers just two decades ago. But we recently witnessed a boom in billionaires, who illegally amassed enormous wealth. The amount of money and the wealth that they amassed by plundering the public exchequer has come as a shocking revelation.  

The recent revelation of the ill-gotten wealth of Tarique Rahman, the eldest son of former prime minister Khaleda Zia, his closest friend Giasuddin Al-Mamun, Khaleda's political secretaries Mosaddek Ali Falu and Haris Chowdhury, and former ministers Najmul Huda and Lutfuzzaman Babar, has added a new chapter in the history of plundering and bribery. Their wealth has now become woe for them. Tarique Rahman, the most talked about suspect, became a billionaire in just a few years with the blessings of his mother. Tarique reportedly has admitted to having bank accounts in five countries -- Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, South Africa and Switzerland, where he has siphoned off crores of Taka earned by extortion and bribery. The Malaysian government has frozen his $230 million, as he failed to explain the source of the money.  

Tarique established an alternative power house in Hawa Bhaban, the BNP chairperson's Banani office, and was involved in interfering in almost all the businesses and contracts in the country. Tarique, now under custody, has disclosed his financial web to the joint interrogation cell. Hailing from an extremely poor family, Giasuddin Al-Mamun has become one of the richest men in the country within a few years by resorting to all sorts of illegal activities under direct patronization of Tarique. Mamun, the detained controversial businessman who also siphoned off money to different countries, issued cheques for repatriation of Tk 20 crore 41 lakh from Singapore. Mamun owns several houses in the city's prime areas, including a magnificent house at Gazipur for weekend recreation.  

It really beggars the imagination to think of the amount of wealth that has been amassed by Mosaddek Ali Falu, who enjoyed enormous power and privileges as a political secretary to the former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia. Falu owns four multi-storied buildings in the capital and a villa at Gazipur. A mini-zoo has been setup in his villa. Besides, he owns around one hundred bighas of land in Savar. Haris Chowdhury, another political secretary to former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, also amassed immense wealth using his close link with the prime minister. His ill-gained properties include five houses in Dhaka, fixed deposits for Tk ten crore, and a house and a shopping mall in London. Besides, he owns a large number of shares of different companies, worth crores of Taka. Along with his political post, Haris runs a humble car sales centre in the capital. An anti-graft tribunal has sentenced him to three years imprisonment for not submitting his wealth statement to the ACC. Former state minister Lutfuzzaman Babar hushed up a murder case for such an immense amount, that many of us cannot even dream of earning in a lifetime. Babar's portfolio was a magic lamp, and he made a huge fortune by abusing official power. Two sons of former finance minister M. Saifur Rahman took lease of 200 acres of government land in Srimangal upazila almost free of cost. Shafiqur Rahman Babu took lease of 100 acres of land worth Tk 95 lakh for only Tk 500, while another son, Kaisar Rahman, got 100 acres of government land to set up a fish farm. Saifur's eldest son, Naser Rahman, is already under custody because of suspected corruption.  

The trial of bigwig corruption suspects has frightened their wives and children, because family members of many accused have already been arrested. The wife, daughter, and two sons of former state minister for power, Iqbal Hasan Mahmud, have been sent to jail. They were charged with assisting Mahmud in amassing wealth through corruption. Sabera Aman, wife of former state minister Amanullah Aman, has been sentenced to three years imprisonment on graft charges. Sigma Huda, wife of former minister Najmul Huda, was sent to jail on a stretcher. Khoshnud Asgar, wife of former BNP lawmaker Ali Asgar Lobi, is also in jail custody in a graft case. Falu's wife Mahbuba Sultana is on the run to evade arrest. Cases have also been filed against the wives and children of many high-profile corruption suspects, including some former ministers. Though the people have welcomed this crusade against corruption, they are not in support of such actions against the wives and children of the bigwig corruption suspects.  

The government may take a lenient view of the wives and children of the corruption suspects, if they are accused of only having ill-gotten wealth in their names. They may be spared if they give a declaration that they do not own the money or the property kept in their names. According to a newspaper report, the government has so far listed only 154 clean politicians, searching across the country through its intelligence agencies, who are eligible to be candidates in the next parliamentary election. The list includes 70 persons from BNP, 56 from AL, 13 from Jatyo Party (E), 8 from Jamaat-e-Islami and 7 from LDP. Unfortunately enough, no top leaders of these political parties have been included in the list. The revelation of the enormous ill-gained wealth of some bigwigs has begotten a feeling of scorn among the people. The question that is weighing on their minds is how much wealth does one need to lead an ultra-luxurious life? Most of these persons come from poor families. "From rages to riches" is the phrase that truly describes their condition. These imprudent persons, having endless greed for wealth, had no time to think that such wealth might be a snare for them. Tarique Rahman, who shed tears in the court, revealed his feeling of the woes of wealth. Endless greed for wealth has made him the symbol of corruption. In a rare event in the country's history, the powerful and supreme individuals who had created a culture of impurity, where mindless plundering and high corruption thrived, are now facing trail at the newly constituted special courts. They have now to endure the woes of the wealth that they amassed illegally at the expense of the country. The people want a thorough cleansing once and for all, for a decent body politic where their aspirations could be realized. They really do not want to live in limbo any more.

The ‘black night’ of March 25

The ‘black night’ of March 25 returns again tonight (Thursday) evoking painful memories of a dreadful night of massacre and mayhem, the beginning of genocide of millions of unarmed sleeping Bangalees by the Pakistani occupation forces in 1971.

On this fateful night in 1971, the Pakistani military rulers launched “Operation Searchlight” killing some 7,000 people irrespective of their class, creed, sex and age in a single night to thwart the independence movement of the freedom-loving Bangalees from the 24-year-old subjugation and exploitation. Most of the halls of Dhaka University including Jagannath Hall were attacked and teachers-students-employees were dragged out of their quarters and dormitories and massacred in hundreds turning the entire campus into a killing ground.

Several structures including the Central Shaheed Minar, the monument of the historic language movement of 1952, and a good number of buildings located at Shakhari Bazar, Tanti Bazar, FrenchRoad and English Road were razed to the ground as the brutal forces used tanks and fired heavy artillery during the crackdown to silence the voice of Bangalees.

It was to be only the beginning of the killings that continued for long nine months. On March 26, the nation waged an armed struggle against the Pakistani occupation forces following the declaration ofindependence by father of the nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

The Pakistani forces arrested the undisputed leader of independence Bangabandhu from his residence at Dhanmondi Road-32 as he through a wireless message called upon the people to resist the Pakistani occupation forces with what they have possessed. Later, Awami League leader MA Hannan and Major Ziaur Rahman (later president of Bangladesh) read out the proclamation of independence on behalf of Bangabandhu, which was broadcast from Kalurghat Radio Station in port city of Chittagong.

Responding to the call and defying all horrors and atrocities, the Bangalee nation, particularly the young generation from across the country, rose in rebellion and took part in the war of independence of their motherland from the clutches of Pakistani military junta while nearly one crore people took refuge in neighbouring India. After fighting a nine-month-long bloody war, the brave Bangalees ultimately freed the country from the occupation of Pakistani forces with the cooperation of the allied forces of India on December 16 in 1971.

Marking the “Black Night”, Bangabandhu Sangskritik Jote organised a candle-light vigil at the Shikha Chiratan (eternal flame) at Suhrawardy Udyan in the evening paying deep tributes to the martyrs of the Liberation War and demanding start of the trial of the war criminals immediately. Jote vice-president and film actor Faruque and joint secretary Arun Sarker Rana led the programme in which culturalworkers including actors and actresses of the film and stage took part.

 Operation Searchlight

It all started with Operation Searchlight, a planned military pacification carried out by the Pakistan Army started on 25 March, 1971 to curb the Bengali nationalist movement by taking control of the major cities on March 26, and then eliminating all opposition, political or military, within one month. Before the beginning of the operation, all foreign journalists were systematically deported from Bangladesh. The main phase of Operation Searchlight ended with the fall of the last major town in Bengali hands in mid May.

HUJI is the culprit but who used them and why?

It was 5.23 pm on 21st august 2004 when Awami League chief Sheikh Hasina was wrapping up a rally protesting Sylhet blasts. A wave of grenade attacks on her left at least 16 people killed and left around 200 persons critically injured including top Awami League leaders Abdur Razzak, Amir Hossain Amu, Suranjit Sengupta, Ivy Rahman and Kazi Zafarullah.

The party secretary on Women affairs Ivy Rahman died in the Hospital later in the day. The unknown assailants fired seven bullets at the bulletproof SUV that Hasina boarded immediately after the blast.

The unusually poor deployment of police at the rally and the absence of forces on nearby building rooftops are a remarkable deviation from the usual practice.

Motaher Hossain, general secretary of AL Krishak League said some people on the roof of Ramna hotel and adjacent building were throwing bombs. At least 13 grenades exploded one after another, and also who were present on the spot told a white Microbus carried of some injured person who were among the assailant and were wounded by their own bomb.

Blame game started at the very moment Hasina spoke out loud about government’s conspiracy to kill the remaining member of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujiber Rahman’s remaining family members, BNP leaders hold back and Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan commented that they have blamed the government out of emotion. But soon BNP leaders changed their tone and started to blame AL for attacking their own rally, they argued AL had done it to destabilize the country and discredit the government only to grab the power.

Fiction and conspiracy theories were put forward by various columnists in the media. Pro Awami columnists blamed the fundamentalist forces and the right wing coalition government for this attack while pro BNP columnists blamed AL and pointed finger towards the country’s biggest neighbor India.

However most columnists inclined towards Awami league and left parties and leaders and activists of these parties discovered a pattern in the bomb blasts. In most cases secular forces and those who believe in culture, tradition and democratic values had been the target. The same group was behind the attack on Hasina’s rally.

Those pro BNP columnists pick up the same incident and argued Hasina was not the target of those assailants, if she were their target then why none of those grenades fall on the truck and also wrote thousand pages about AL’s possible motive behind this?

Some suspected it as a plot by international Muslim extremist groups; some pointed towards the association of ISI (Inter Services Intelligence); while Jamaat leader Matiur Rahman Nizami believes it is the work of “well known enemies of Islam” who masterminded, through various covert organizations, to carry out such brutal murders.

It became increasingly hard to dig out the truth from these fictions. With conspiracy theories you can use any piece of evidence to either prove or disprove your opinion and you can pick up any particular incident to strengthen your position. Truth has many faces but with conspiracy theory all you can achieve is a thousand shade of the truth and all these are equally probable and could be equally false.

In this present regime we have finally a charge sheet that clearly indicates Awami Leagues position is correct in this issue, RAB and other government intelligence agency finally concluded that Islamic militants are behind this attack and also a small fraction of BNP activists patronized this attack.

But is it the whole truth or only a facade? Lets look at the proceedings of the investigations.

To investigate 21st August 2004 bomb blast then BNP government first employed metropolitan police’s detective branch to investigate this incident, then this case was handed over to the criminal investigation department of Bangladesh Police. Five investigating officer under 3 officers in charge investigated this incident for over 4 years and they had submitted two charge sheet contradicting each other.

What is the progress in this case? When ever you ask this question to a law enforcement officer, a certain reply will be that “we are still investigating this matter. We had some lead but for the sake of this on going investigation we can not tell you anything.” Even after submitting charge sheet against 22 person in June 11, 2008 and acquitting all other person found guilty (on the first charge sheet presented by the CID), still the investigation has not been closed. So far we have 2 persons who claimed that they had actively participated in this failed assassination. On 26th June, 2005 Joj Miah from Noakhali confessed to police that for 5000 taka he carried out this attack under the order of Subrata Bain, a top terrorist. Subrata Bain and his group had close ties with some notorious AL leaders and they fled to India after alliance government took over the state in October 2001. He confessed to a magistrate that he had never seen any grenade before but Subrata Bain, Joy, Molla Masud ordered him to participate in this assassination. ASP of Police [CID] Abdur Rashid was the investigation officer then.

But the government were not satisfied with this finding so led by Munsi Atikur Rahman the investigation continued. The investigation found a paved path established by the coalition government.

So far we have two investigation reports, one of them was by Justice Jaynul Abedin, chairman of the one man investigation committee formed by the government to investigate 21st august grenade attack on Awami leagues rally. Awami League has rejected this report claiming it lacks neutrality. And another one was submitted by the Supreme Court Bar Association. According to Moudud Ahmed, who was Law minister at that time, claimed that this inquiry committee is illegal.

Jaynul Abedin’s investigation report:

Justice Jaynul Abedin had submitted his 162 pages manuscript of coalition governments collective story on 2nd October 2004. He was the member and chairman of one man inquiry committee formed by the government to investigate the grenade attack on Awami League rally on 21st august. On the eve of this submission those authorities in concern had invited journalist to give some insight of the report.

After scrutiny, critical and painstaking analysis, Jaynul Abedin did omit the possibility that coalition government and his ally, some extremist religious group and a part of Awami League was behind this heinous attack on Awami League activists.

But he did claim with certainty that a foreign intelligence agency actively participated in this event. They trained those assailants and equipped them with necessary ammunitions. He described this event on that informal press conference, “this incident is a naked attack on the independence and sovereignty of the country.”

Because Jaynul Abedin was a BNP activist in the past, Awami League questioned the neutrality of the investigation committee. Even though 123 people given their statement to this committee but that does not include Sheikh Hasina, who was the prime target of this massacre. Sheikh Hasina rejected the call for her statement.

In that one and half hour informal briefing on the report prior to its submission Jaynul concluded “the commission may not have received cooperation from all, which may have somewhat hindered the investigation, but the inquiry is in no way incomplete.”

Like any other investigation report submitted by any government formed investigation committee it also embraced the fate to remain unpublished till-to-date.

The Supreme Court Bar Association (SCBA) inquiry committee report:

On 22nd august, 2004, immediately after the grenade attack, The Supreme Court Bar Association formed an inquiry committee. Barrister Kamal Hossain was elected as the chairman of that committee and the other members of this committee were Rokonuddin Mahmud, Abdul Malek, Amir-ul-Islam, M Zahir and Muhammad Ayenuddin.

While Hasina wrapped up the rally, at that very moment a grenade went off loud and it was followed by at least 10 such explosions. Awami League leaders formed a human shield to cover Hasina from the splinter, they were injured in this process and soon after they escorted Hasina to her bullet proof SUV and Hasina left for Sudha Sadan, while on the move that SUV was attacked by bullets. Witnesses on their statement confirmed the SCBA inquiry committee that they had not seen any member of the law enforcing agency in action there.

After inspecting the place of occurrence on 27th august 2004 they went to Sudha Sadan, where Hasina assured the committee her full cooperation to find out the truth. Hasina’s security personal and her driver gave their statement to this committee and this committee also inspected the SUV.

Driver on his statement told the committee that he drove towards the east, then took a left turn and then he drove towards Sudha Sadan through zero point. But police officers deployed at the rally on 21st August on their statement said to inquiry committee, SUV carrying Sheikh Hasina away from that place drove westward, took a right turn, and then went to Sudha Sadan through zero point.

On 16th, 17th, 18th September the committee watched the video tape recorded by ATN, Channel I and NTV. On ATN video tape they saw a young man purposefully looking towards the multi storied Dhaka City Bhaban. Apart from this, on Channel I and NTV footage some suspicious incidents were seen by the committee members.

The inquiry committee sent two letters to Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, requesting her to extend cooperation for the inquiry and to direct the law enforcing agency to cooperate with them in interest of its work.

A letter was sent from the inquiry committee to IGP Shahudul Huq on 29 August 2004 requesting him to direct the police authorities to inform the inquiry committee of the number of persons who were deployed for maintaining the law and order in the public meeting on 21st August 2004 with the descriptions of their duties and locations.

After 3 weeks another letter was sent to him, requesting for his interview. The inquiry committee requested state minister of home affairs, but all of them turned down their request further more the law minister Moudud Ahmed on several occasion said that this inquiry committee had no legal basis and any report of any such illegal committee should not be recognized.

But the government did inform the SCBA inquiry committee that they had done every thing that is possible for them and sent a copy of the statement made by the State Minister for Home Affairs in the Parliament. In that speech the State Minister mentioned that the police made all out efforts to identify the culprits immediately after the incident and within 24 hours a Judicial Inquiry Commission was constituted with a judge of the Supreme Court as the sole Member. He also mentioned that the Government also arranged for an “international” inquiry into the 21st August incident side by side with Bangladesh police investigation and in response to the Government invitation 3 (three) teams from Interpol visited Bangladesh and helped the inquiry. Besides this, the government had also taken cooperation of FBI of USA.

The SCBA inquiry committee made repeated requests at the highest levels of the government for obtaining copies of reports of earlier bomb-blasts, the report of the ‘judicial inquiry’ into the 21 August, 2004 constituted by the Government, and other documents and information, but such requests have till-to-date were turned down.

The Supreme Court Bar Association (SCBA) inquiry committee concluded it was a pre-planned attack, carried out on the basis of a carefully prepared plan, targeting Sheikh Hasina and other leaders and persons attending the rally. The firing of the bullets and grenades on the vehicle by which she was leaving the place of occurrence, confirms that she was the target.

The committee urged government to publish all reports of investigation within one month or else public may lead to believe attempt on Sheikh Hasina’s life was to some extent was patronized by this government.

The alleged HUJI rage against Awami League:

Some columnists claimed in the media that the AL government, after assuming power in 1996 barred Islamic scholars from issuing fatwa’s through a High Court order. The government also came on strong against the right wing protesters and arrested hundreds across the country. This had angered HUJI.

Mufti Abdul Hannan, the operative commander of the banned Harkatul Jihad-al-Islami revealed on 19th November 2006.

“I masterminded all grenade attacks across the country excepting the August 21, 2004 gruesome attack on the AL rally, and three people financed the outfit for carrying out the attacks”

Hannan gave another detailed statement on 1st November 2007:

“Kajol was given the responsibility to collect funds and grenades for the attack. They decided that 12 persons would carry out the attack and Kajol and Abu Jandal would select the commanders of the operation. It was decided that Kajol and Jandal brief the attackers about their positions and Jandal would throw the first grenade after getting instruction from Sayeed. The others would throw their grenades at around the same time. Hannan said the attackers targeted the truck and left the spot individually after the operation.”

However question remains as why HUJI chose to attack Hasina after all those years and during the period when there was a row of political killings of Awami League leaders (Kibria, Ahsan Master etc.) were happening. HUJI members were used but who masterminded the attack?

The BNP connection:

In January 2008, former deputy minister for information of the BNP government Abdus Salam Pintu was arrested for his involvement with the grenade attacks on Awami League rally on August 21 in 2004. He was arrested on the basis of confessional statement made earlier by detained Mufti Hannan who claimed that the attack on the AL rally was planned at the official residence of the former Deputy Minister. Hannan said that Pintu was present at the meeting and later supplied the grenades.

He made startling disclosure to interrogators about the involvement of former State Minister of Home Lutfuzzaman Babar and ‘Hawa Bhaban’ in the grenade attacks. From The New Nation:

“The CID officer said they were certain after the arrest of Mufti Hannan and Pintu that the attack on the AL rally had been aided and abetted by Lutfuzzaman Babar and the Hawa Bhaban.

“To hide the truth, former investigation officer Ruhul Amin, a CID officer, had gone to Pintu’s house several times,” he said, and added, “former State Minister of Home Babar was involved in the entire process and Pintu would regularly inquire with him about the progress.”

Pintu’s counsel Advocate Sanaullah Mia, however, told : “He was implicated only because his cousin Maulana Tajul Islam, a militant leader and an accused in the grenade attack case, had visited his house when Pintu was a Minister,”

HUJI is the culprit but who used them and why?

On June 11, 2008 charges were finally made against 22 persons including top Harkat-ul-Jihad (Huji) leader Mufti Abdul Hannan and BNP leader and former deputy minister Abdus Salam Pintu. Newspaper reports say:

“CID Chief Additional Inspector General Jabed Patwari said HUJI top leaders planned and carried out the attacks to kill Hasina as a few arrested attackers said in their confessional statements that Hasina would harm Islam if she was alive and came to power again.

BNP leader Pintu is not involved with Huji but he has been charged since the attackers had held two meetings at his residence to take decision about the attack.”

But the question remains whether HUJI tried to kill Hasina on their own or it was a political assassination plot linked by BNP to take out the opposition. Like every other political massacre the 21st August grenade attack on Hasina has no clear motive whatsoever and after 4 years of investigation we are not certain whether those who were behind this ghastly attack have finally been exposed. Will we be able to know the truth?